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Gladiators were sometimes called hordearii "eaters of barley ". Part of Galen 's medical training was at a gladiator school in Pergamum where he saw and would later criticise the training, diet, and long term health prospects of the gladiators.
Modern customs and institutions offer few useful parallels to the legal and social context of the gladiatoria munera  In Roman law, anyone condemned to the arena or the gladiator schools damnati ad ludum was a servus poenae slave of the penalty , and was considered to be under sentence of death unless manumitted.
Offenders seen as particularly obnoxious to the state noxii received the most humiliating punishments. These damnati at least might put on a good show and retrieve some respect, and very rarely, survive to fight another day.
Some may even have become "proper" gladiators. Among the most admired and skilled auctorati were those who, having been granted manumission, volunteered to fight in the arena.
Their legal status — slave or free — is uncertain. Under Roman law, a freed gladiator could not "offer such services [as those of a gladiator] after manumission, because they cannot be performed without endangering [his] life.
Payment for such appearances compounded their infamia. They could not vote, plead in court nor leave a will; and unless they were manumitted, their lives and property belonged to their masters.
Some "unfree" gladiators bequeathed money and personal property to wives and children, possibly via a sympathetic owner or familia ; some had their own slaves and gave them their freedom.
Caesar's munus of 46 BC included at least one equestrian, son of a Praetor, and two volunteers of possible senatorial rank.
Thereafter, Caligula flouted them and Claudius strengthened them. Even after the adoption of Christianity as Rome's official religion, legislation forbade the involvement of Rome's upper social classes in the games, though not the games themselves.
His motives are unknown, but his voluntary and "shameless" arena appearance combined the "womanly attire" of a lowly retiarius tunicatus , adorned with golden ribbons, with the apex headdress that marked him out as a priest of Mars.
In Juvenal's account, he seems to have relished the scandalous self-display, applause and the disgrace he inflicted on his more sturdy opponent by repeatedly skipping away from the confrontation.
As munera grew larger and more popular, open spaces such as the Forum Romanum were adapted as the Forum Boarium had been as venues in Rome and elsewhere, with temporary, elevated seating for the patron and high status spectators; they were popular but not truly public events:.
A show of gladiators was to be exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting them for advantage.
Caius commanded them to take down their scaffolds, that the poor people might see the sport without paying anything.
But nobody obeying these orders of his, he gathered together a body of labourers, who worked for him, and overthrew all the scaffolds the very night before the contest was to take place.
So that by the next morning the market-place was cleared, and the common people had an opportunity of seeing the pastime.
In this, the populace thought he had acted the part of a man; but he much disobliged the tribunes his colleagues, who regarded it as a piece of violent and presumptuous interference.
Ticket scalpers Locarii sometimes sold or let out seats at inflated prices. Martial wrote that "Hermes [a gladiator who always drew the crowds] means riches for the ticket scalpers".
It was inaugurated by Titus in 80 AD as the personal gift of the Emperor to the people of Rome, paid for by the imperial share of booty after the Jewish Revolt.
Amphitheatres were usually oval in plan. Their seating tiers surrounded the arena below, where the community's judgments were meted out, in full public view.
From across the stands, crowd and editor could assess each other's character and temperament. For the crowd, amphitheatres afforded unique opportunities for free expression and free speech theatralis licentia.
Petitions could be submitted to the editor as magistrate in full view of the community. Factiones and claques could vent their spleen on each other, and occasionally on Emperors.
The emperor Titus's dignified yet confident ease in his management of an amphitheatre crowd and its factions were taken as a measure of his enormous popularity and the rightness of his imperium.
The amphitheatre munus thus served the Roman community as living theatre and a court in miniature, in which judgement could be served not only on those in the arena below, but on their judges.
Their seating was "disorderly and indiscriminate" until Augustus prescribed its arrangement in his Social Reforms. To persuade the Senate, he expressed his distress on behalf of a Senator who could not find seating at a crowded games in Puteoli:.
In consequence of this the senate decreed that, whenever any public show was given anywhere, the first row of seats should be reserved for senators; and at Rome he would not allow the envoys of the free and allied nations to sit in the orchestra, since he was informed that even freedmen were sometimes appointed.
He separated the soldiery from the people. He assigned special seats to the married men of the commons, to boys under age their own section and the adjoining one to their preceptors; and he decreed that no one wearing a dark cloak should sit in the middle of the house.
He would not allow women to view even the gladiators except from the upper seats, though it had been the custom for men and women to sit together at such shows.
Only the Vestal virgins were assigned a place to themselves, opposite the praetor's tribunal. These arrangements do not seem to have been strongly enforced.
Popular factions supported favourite gladiators and gladiator types. The secutor was equipped with a long, heavy "large" shield called a scutum ; Secutores , their supporters and any heavyweight secutor -based types such as the Murmillo were secutarii.
Titus and Trajan preferred the parmularii and Domitian the secutarii ; Marcus Aurelius took neither side. Nero seems to have enjoyed the brawls between rowdy, enthusiastic and sometimes violent factions, but called in the troops if they went too far.
There were also local rivalries. At Pompeii's amphitheatre, during Nero's reign, the trading of insults between Pompeians and Nucerian spectators during public ludi led to stone throwing and riot.
Many were killed or wounded. Nero banned gladiator munera though not the games at Pompeii for ten years as punishment.
The story is told in Pompeian graffiti and high quality wall painting, with much boasting of Pompeii's "victory" over Nuceria.
A man who knows how to conquer in war is a man who knows how to arrange a banquet and put on a show. Rome was essentially a landowning military aristocracy.
From the early days of the Republic, ten years of military service were a citizen's duty and a prerequisite for election to public office.
It applied from highest to lowest alike in the chain of command. In the aftermath of Cannae, Scipio Africanus crucified Roman deserters and had non-Roman deserters thrown to the beasts.
In obedience to the Books of Destiny, some strange and unusual sacrifices were made, human sacrifices amongst them. They were lowered into a stone vault, which had on a previous occasion also been polluted by human victims, a practice most repulsive to Roman feelings.
When the gods were believed to be duly propitiated Armour, weapons, and other things of the kind were ordered to be in readiness, and the ancient spoils gathered from the enemy were taken down from the temples and colonnades.
The dearth of freemen necessitated a new kind of enlistment; 8, sturdy youths from amongst the slaves were armed at the public cost, after they had each been asked whether they were willing to serve or no.
These soldiers were preferred, as there would be an opportunity of ransoming them when taken prisoners at a lower price.
The account notes, uncomfortably, the bloodless human sacrifices performed to help turn the tide of the war in Rome's favour. While the Senate mustered their willing slaves, Hannibal offered his dishonoured Roman captives a chance for honourable death, in what Livy describes as something very like the Roman munus.
The munus thus represented an essentially military, self-sacrificial ideal, taken to extreme fulfillment in the gladiator's oath.
Two years later, following its defeat at Arausio:. Rutilius, consul with C. For he, following the example of no previous general, with teachers summoned from the gladiatorial training school of C.
Aurelus Scaurus, implanted in the legions a more sophisticated method of avoiding and dealing a blow and mixed bravery with skill and skill back again with virtue so that skill became stronger by bravery's passion and passion became more wary with the knowledge of this art.
The military were great aficionados of the games, and supervised the schools. Many schools and amphitheatres were sited at or near military barracks, and some provincial army units owned gladiator troupes.
It would rise to twenty, and later, to twenty five years. Roman military discipline was ferocious; severe enough to provoke mutiny, despite the consequences.
A career as a volunteer gladiator may have seemed an attractive option for some. Opposite him on the field, Vitellius 's army was swollen by levies of slaves, plebs and gladiators.
They had served their late master with exemplary loyalty but thereafter, they disappear from the record.
Roman writing as a whole demonstrates a deep ambivalence towards the gladiatoria munera. Even the most complex and sophisticated munera of the Imperial era evoked the ancient, ancestral dii manes of the underworld and were framed by the protective, lawful rites of sacrificium.
Their popularity made their co-option by the state inevitable; Cicero acknowledged their sponsorship as a political imperative. And suppose a gladiator has been brought to the ground, when do you ever see one twist his neck away after he has been ordered to extend it for the death blow?
Thus demoralised was Capua. The munus itself could be interpreted as pious necessity, but its increasing luxury corroded Roman virtue, and created an un-Roman appetite for profligacy and self-indulgence.
Having "neither hope nor illusions", the gladiator could transcend his own debased nature, and disempower death itself by meeting it face to face.
Courage, dignity, altruism and loyalty were morally redemptive; Lucian idealised this principle in his story of Sisinnes, who voluntarily fought as a gladiator, earned 10, drachmas and used it to buy freedom for his friend, Toxaris.
These accounts seek a higher moral meaning from the munus , but Ovid 's very detailed though satirical instructions for seduction in the amphitheatre suggest that the spectacles could generate a potent and dangerously sexual atmosphere.
There remained the thrilling possibility of clandestine sexual transgression by high-caste spectators and their heroes of the arena.
Such assignations were a source for gossip and satire but some became unforgivably public: What was the youthful charm that so fired Eppia?
What did she see in him to make her put up with being called "the gladiator's moll"? Her poppet, her Sergius, was no chicken, with a dud arm that prompted hope of early retirement.
Besides his face looked a proper mess, helmet-scarred, a great wart on his nose, an unpleasant discharge always trickling from one eye. But he was a gladiator.
That word makes the whole breed seem handsome, and made her prefer him to her children and country, her sister, her husband.
Steel is what they fall in love with. Most gladiators would have aimed lower. On the one and the same account they glorify them and they degrade and diminish them; yes, further, they openly condemn them to disgrace and civil degradation; they keep them religiously excluded from council chamber, rostrum, senate, knighthood, and every other kind of office and a good many distinctions.
The perversity of it! They love whom they lower; they despise whom they approve; the art they glorify, the artist they disgrace.
In this new Play, I attempted to follow the old custom of mine, of making a fresh trial; I brought it on again. In the first Act I pleased; when in the meantime a rumor spread that gladiators were about to be exhibited; the populace flock together, make a tumult, clamor aloud, and fight for their places: Images of gladiators could be found throughout the Republic and Empire, among all classes.
Mosaics dating from the 2nd through 4th centuries AD have been invaluable in the reconstruction of combat and its rules, gladiator types and the development of the munus.
Throughout the Roman world, ceramics, lamps, gems and jewellery, mosaics, reliefs, wall paintings and statuary offer evidence, sometimes the best evidence, of the clothing, props, equipment, names, events, prevalence and rules of gladiatorial combat.
Earlier periods provide only occasional, perhaps exceptional examples. Souvenir ceramics were produced depicting named gladiators in combat; similar images of higher quality, were available on more expensive articles in high quality ceramic, glass or silver.
Pliny the Elder gives vivid examples of the popularity of gladiator portraiture in Antium and an artistic treat laid on by an adoptive aristocrat for the solidly plebeian citizens of the Roman Aventine:.
When a freedman of Nero was giving a gladiatorial show at Antium , the public porticoes were covered with paintings, so we are told, containing life-like portraits of all the gladiators and assistants.
This portraiture of gladiators has been the highest interest in art for many centuries now, but it was Gaius Terentius who began the practice of having pictures made of gladiatorial shows and exhibited in public; in honour of his grandfather who had adopted him he provided thirty pairs of Gladiators in the Forum for three consecutive days, and exhibited a picture of the matches in the Grove of Diana.
The decline of the munus was a far from straightforward process. Still, emperors continued to subsidize the games as a matter of undiminished public interest.
Ten years later, he banned the gladiator munera:. In times in which peace and peace relating to domestic affairs prevail bloody demonstrations displease us.
Therefore, we order that there may be no more gladiator combats. Those who were condemned to become gladiators for their crimes are to work from now on in the mines.
Thus they pay for their crimes without having to pour their blood. An imperially sanctioned munus at some time in the s suggests that yet again, imperial legislation failed to entirely curb the games, not least when Constantine defied his own law.
In , Theodosius I r. According to Theodoret , the ban was in consequence of Saint Telemachus ' martyrdom by spectators at a munus.
In the Eastern Empire, theatrical shows and chariot races continued to attract the crowds, and drew a generous Imperial subsidy.
It is not known how many gladiatoria munera were given throughout the Roman period. Many, if not most, involved venationes , and in the later Empire some may have been only that.
In BC, at least one munus was held during April's Megalesia. In the early Imperial era, munera in Pompeii and neighbouring towns were dispersed from March through November.
They included a provincial magnate's five-day munus of thirty pairs, plus beast-hunts. Of days reserved for spectacles of various kinds, were for theatrical shows, 64 for chariot races and just 10 in December for gladiator games and venationes.
A century before this, the emperor Alexander Severus r. As Wiedemann points out, December was also the month for the Saturnalia , Saturn's festival, in which death was linked to renewal, and the lowest were honoured as the highest.
Some Roman reenactors attempt to recreate Roman gladiator troupes. Some of these groups are part of larger Roman reenactment groups, and others are wholly independent, though they might participate in larger demonstrations of Roman reenacting or historical reenacting in general.
These groups usually focus on portraying mock gladiatorial combat in as accurate a manner as possible.
Gladiator fights have been depicted in a number of peplum films also known as "sword-and-sandal" movies. This is a genre of largely Italian-made historical epics costume dramas that dominated the Italian film industry from to They can be immediately differentiated from the competing Hollywood product by their use of dubbing.
The pepla attempted to emulate the big-budget Hollywood historical epics of the time, such as Spartacus.
Inspired by the success of Spartacus , there were a number of Italian peplums that emphasized the gladiatorial arena fights in their plots, with it becoming almost a peplum subgenre in itself; One group of supermen known as "The Ten Gladiators" appeared in a trilogy, all three films starring Dan Vadis in the lead role.
Grier and Markov portray female gladiators in ancient Rome, who have been enslaved and must fight for their freedom. Crowe portrays a fictional Roman general who is reduced to slavery and then rises through the ranks of the gladiatorial arena to avenge the murder of his family.
Amazons and Gladiators is a drama action adventure film directed and written by Zachary Weintraub starring Patrick Bergin and Jennifer Rubin. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For other uses, see Gladiator disambiguation. List of Roman gladiator types. List of Roman amphitheatres. Gladiator show fight in Trier in Carnuntum , Austria, This section does not cite any sources.
Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
December Learn how and when to remove this template message. Nicolaus cites Posidonius 's support for a Celtic origin and Hermippus' for a Mantinean therefore Greek origin.
Futrell is citing Livy, 9. Paestum was colonized by Rome in BC. Livy's account summary 16 places beast-hunts and gladiatorial munera within this single munus.
See Welch , p. Welch is citing Ausanius: Seneca simply says they were "war captives". Evidence of "Samnite" as an insult in earlier writings fades as Samnium is absorbed into the Republic.
Livy's published works are often embellished with illustrative rhetorical detail. Welch is citing Livy, The Aemilii Lepidii were one of the most important families in Rome at the time, and probably owned a gladiator school ludus.
Wiedemann is citing Valerius Maximus, 2. Gladiator gangs were used by Caesar and others to overawe and "persuade".
Gladiators could be enrolled to serve noble households; some household slaves may have been raised and trained for this.
For more details see Plutarch's Julius Caesar , 5. See also Pliny's Historia Naturalis , Antiochus IV Epiphanes of Greece was keen to upstage his Roman allies, but gladiators were becoming increasingly expensive, and to save costs, all his were local volunteers.
Kyle is citing Cicero's Lex Tullia Ambitu. Scenes of the Arena on Roman Domestic Mosaics", p. Wiedemann is citing Cassius Dio, Augustus's games each involved an average gladiator pairs.
Brown is citing Dio Cassius, The Jewish War , 6. C, at Lewis and Short Perseus Project. See also Cassius Dio's accusation of entrapment by informers to provide "arena slaves" under Claudius; Futrell , p.
Futrell is citing Cassius Dio. Lives , "Tiberius", 7. Lives , "Nero", Fox is citing Pliny. Commodus , 73 Epitome.
Commodus was assassinated and posthumously declared a public enemy but was later deified. Based on fragmentary Pompeian remains and citing of Pliny's Historia Naturalis , Heroes of the Roman Amphitheatre".
Retrieved 21 April Moral Essays , B fully cited in Futrell , pp. Gladiatorial banquet on mosaic, El Djem. See pompa circensis for the similar procession before games were held in the circus.
Futrell is citing Seneca's On Providence , 3. In the Eastern provinces of the later Empire the state archiereis combined the roles of editor , Imperial cult priest and lanista , giving gladiatoria munera in which the use of sharp weapons seems an exceptional honour.
Violence and Spectacle in Ancient Rome , Routledge, , pp. The Lure of the Arena: Social Psychology and the Crowd at the Roman Games.
Fagan speculates that Nero was perversely defying the crowd's expectations, or perhaps trying to please a different kind of crowd.
Liber de Spectaculis , Kyle is citing Robert. This is evidenced on a roughly inscribed libellus. Lives , "Caligula", Futrell is citing Cicero's Tuscullan Disputations , 2.
Marks on the bones of several gladiators suggest a sword thrust into the base of the throat and down towards the heart. Tertullian describes these events as examples of hollow impiety, in which Rome's false deities are acceptably impersonated by low and murderous persons for the purposes of human sacrifice and evil entertainment.
See Kyle , pp. Lives , "Tiberius", Suetonius has the populace wish the same fate on Tiberius 's body, a form of damnatio: Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies.
The single name form on a gladiator memorial usually indicates a slave, two a freedman or discharged auctoratus and, very rare among gladiators, three " tria nomina " a freedman or a full Roman citizen.
Futrell is citing Robert, 12, 24, and Futrell is citing Robert, Futrell is citing George Ville. Edict , Book 6; Futrell , pp. Futrell is citing Digest , 3.
This had probably began under Augustus. Futrell is citing Petronius's Satyricon , See also Tiberius's inducement to re-enlist.
Futrell is citing Quintilian's Oratorical Institute , 5. Futrell is citing Epictetus's Discourse , 3.
Facial stigmata represented extreme social degradation. Futrell is citing Juvenal's Satire , 6 [Oxford Fragment 7. The burning alive of a soldier who refused to become an auctoratus at a Spanish school in 43 BC is exceptional only because he was a citizen, technically exempt from such compulsion and penalty.
How did the gladiators really live? Archived from the original on 29 April Retrieved 24 March Manumission was seldom absolute.
Terms of release were negotiated between master and slave; Digests A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Futrell is citing Tertullian's De Speculates , Futrell is citing Plutarch's Moral Essays , B.
Barton is citing Cassius Dio, Futrell is citing Cassius Dio, Barton is citing Juvenal, 8. The American Journal of Philology.
Caius Gracchus , The provision of permanent seating was thought a particularly objectionable luxury. Futrell is citing Martial's Epigrams , 5.
Welch is citing CIL , X. Potter and Mattingly are citing Pliny the Elder, The amphitheatre was commissioned by T.
According to Pliny, its three storeys were marble-clad, housed 3, bronze statues and seated 80, spectators. It was probably wooden-framed in part.
Scenes of the Arena on Roman Domestic Mosaics", pp.